Hasakah — The Co-Chair of the Negotiation Committee of the Autonomous Administration, Foza Yousef, revealed that the Syrian Interim Government’s constant change of discussion points negatively affects progress in the negotiation process. However, she expressed cautious optimism about reaching an agreement.
Yousef emphasized that the political will for a solution exists within the Autonomous Administration and that there are many factors that could lead to successful negotiations. She stressed that dissolving the administrations in the North and East Syria region as a precondition for unification is unacceptable, reaffirming that women’s rights are a priority and that the unity of Syrian women is “essential and strategic for achieving a just and liberated Syrian society free from regressive mindsets.”
Our agency’s correspondent in North and East Syria, Sanaa Al-Ali, conducted an exclusive interview with Foza Yousef, a member of the Presidential Council of the Democratic Union Party (PYD) and Co-Chair of the Autonomous Administration’s Negotiation Committee with the Syrian Interim Government. The discussion covered the stages of negotiation, women’s rights, and the form of integration being sought. Below is the full text of the interview:

It has been months since the March 10 Agreement, yet many issues remain unresolved with the Interim Government. Only two months remain before the year ends, and Article 8 states that “the executive committees shall work to implement the agreement before the end of the current year.” Where do negotiations currently stand?
The last meeting between us and the Damascus delegation focused on the structure of provinces and their administration. We met in Aleppo and discussed with the governors of Damascus, Aleppo, and Homs the administrative framework. Our military and internal security delegations also discussed how to integrate the military and security forces with the Interim Government.
We have sought significant progress in the talks, but several obstacles have hindered our efforts. Every meeting introduces new pretexts that block advancement. Security and military issues top the discussion agenda, but Damascus changes discussion topics in every session, making it difficult to reach concrete outcomes before moving to new files.

Coordination Between Negotiation Committees There are several committees - military, security, Kurdish, and one representing the Autonomous Administration. Does this diversity of committees cause division or create complementarity?
When the negotiation committee was formed, we established a clear work plan ensuring representation from all dimensions. For instance, the military committee handles military matters, while the administrative and Kurdish committees handle their respective domains. The multiplicity of committees reflects division of labor, not division of stance. All subcommittees report to a central committee that coordinates their efforts.



omen’s Representation As a woman advocating not only for the Autonomous Administration’s women-led project but also for the rights of all Syrian women, how do you view the absence of women in the Damascus negotiation delegation?
During the first and second meetings in Damascus, attended by French and American representatives, this issue was criticized. In the second meeting, Mr. Tom Barrack advised the Damascus side to include women in its delegation. Unfortunately, women’s roles continue to be marginalized across all fields, not just in negotiations. Even when the Interim Government was formed, women were excluded.
Their inclusion is often symbolic - to “save face.” Women are appointed merely to give the illusion of inclusion. This is a broader problem in the Middle East. Although some European countries have made progress, politics remains largely male-dominated. During discussions on the provincial system, I asked repeatedly about women’s roles. They said women make up more than 52% of the workforce but less than 20% - sometimes even less - in decision-making positions.
For example, in Aleppo’s recent elections, the governor complained that only one woman held a decision-making position among 32 members - a frightening reality for women. In contrast, women’s participation in decision-making within the Autonomous Administration exceeds 50% in some sectors like education. Their presence is not symbolic but substantive - they actively shape decisions.
There is international pressure to ensure women’s representation, which sometimes forces attention to this issue. Syrian women are inherently active and open to public life and politics, influencing even the Interim Government’s stance. Despite this, women’s participation rates remain low.


 Turkish and Syrian Threats How do you interpret the ongoing threats and attacks from both Damascus and Turkey during this negotiation process?
Turkey continues to treat Syria as if it were one of its provinces. Its ambitions in Syria have only grown this year as it seeks stronger influence and control according to its own interests. Turkey’s stance remains hostile toward both Kurds and Arabs. It opposes democratic governance or a democratic constitution that guarantees the rights of all Syrian components.
Turkey promotes authoritarianism in Syria and obstructs the negotiation process, which is extremely detrimental. The accusation of separatism is a constant pretext used by Turkey to justify its oppressive policies and to deny regional peoples their rights. Over the past 15 years, it has become evident that the Autonomous Administration never sought secession. Yet, Turkey keeps using this claim to incite division among Syrians through nationalist and sectarian agitation.

Sectarian Incitement and Media Manipulation There is increasing sectarian and ethnic incitement by certain media outlets. Has Syria’s diversity become a curse, and is everything justified in war?
Such actions are illegitimate and dangerous. Sectarian incitement is a ticking time bomb. Sadly, lessons from past tragedies in coastal regions, Suwayda, and Aleppo’s Sheikh Maqsoud district have not been learned.
This divisive rhetoric is more destructive than any weapon, as it deepens societal rifts. The problem lies not with the Syrian people but with toxic media and social media pages serving hostile agendas. Those who constantly fuel division cannot claim to be patriotic — this behavior only serves Syria’s enemies. Religious and ethnic fanaticism has already devastated the country, and continuing down this path risks destroying what remains.


 On the Possibility of Syrian Unity Given the sharp differences between the Autonomous Administration areas and those under the Interim Government - especially concerning civil rights and women’s liberation - is Syrian unity still achievable?
That depends on the behavior of the Interim Government and other political forces. There are indeed external agendas pushing for Syria’s division. However, if a truly national and inclusive policy unites all Syrians voluntarily - not through coercion - then unity is achievable.
Talks about the end of the Sykes-Picot Agreement suggest new plans for regional partition. Syria is at risk of becoming part of such a project. The only way to counter this is through a democratic government that guarantees the rights of all ethnic, cultural, and religious components, as well as women and youth. Oppression and exclusion only accelerate fragmentation.
If one group is targeted and oppressed, it will naturally seek alternatives or outside support. The dangerous reality is that certain actors deliberately push in this direction, creating conflict and then blaming those who seek protection. As Syrians, we must embrace dialogue and acceptance. Currently, what passes for “dialogue” is often a dialogue of the blind, the deaf, and the mute - a one-way conversation. This lack of mutual understanding deepens the social divide.


 Form of Integration Sought What kind of integration does the Autonomous Administration seek with the Syrian Interim Government?
We strive for integration based on mutual will — not forced assimilation. Our goal is a democratic unification. Institutions have been built in North and East Syria; these cannot simply be dissolved to start from scratch.
Syrian citizens have organized their lives through these institutions, and their existence must be respected. Damascus can also learn from our experiences - especially in areas such as coexistence, women’s rights, and religious and cultural diversity. It would be a mistake to erase all these achievements. Flexibility and mutual respect for all components’ rights are essential. The current constitutional declaration is overly centralized and must be revised.


 UN Resolution 2254 There’s renewed talk about UN Resolution 2254 regarding a ceasefire and a political settlement. Why is that?
The UN has reintroduced this topic amid growing international concern over several Syrian issues. After recent developments in the coastal region and Suwayda, there has been a reassessment and a renewed call to implement Resolution 2254.
We have always warned that internal Syrian conflict invites foreign intervention - the two are directly proportional. The situation in Suwayda could have been managed smoothly by recognizing its local will. The failure to do so is symptomatic of flawed policies. The burden should not fall on the people but on those policies.


 Chances of Success What factors determine the success of the negotiations, and is there still hope for tangible outcomes?
Many factors favor success. First, there is political will in North and East Syria. Second, there is genuine desire for a Syrian-Syrian understanding. Third, the region has strong administrative and military experience that could benefit all of Syria.
We are cautiously optimistic about reaching at least partial agreements and continuing progress.


External Interventions and the Syrian People’s Role Given the interference of Israel and Turkey, what message do you have for the Syrian people amid these pressures?
Syrians have witnessed time and again that external powers will abandon them the moment their own interests are at risk. We must learn from this. The solution lies among Syrians themselves — through dialogue, tolerance, and an end to the cycle of revenge.
Syria’s strategic position has made it a battleground for international interests, but the decisive factor will always be the Syrians themselves. If we continue excluding and denying each other’s rights, foreign powers will keep exploiting us.
This is our issue, and we must show the will to resolve it. There is still an opportunity - though a narrow one - and we must seize it with determination and accelerated effort.

 Women’s Solidarity Finally, how do you view the importance of solidarity between women in North and East Syria and women in other conflict zones such as Sudan, Palestine, and Yemen?
When Syrian women took part in the revolution, they had clear goals. The Syrian constitution had marginalized women’s rights, and women as a whole have their own collective struggle, just like any national or religious group. As a global community, women share a unifying identity - womanhood - and face similar oppression.
Unity means strength and organization. Our voices must be loud and united in all arenas. The solidarity of Syrian women is both essential and strategic to building a just and liberated society. Regardless of political or ideological differences, women must agree on one core issue - defending women’s rights.
Currently, women’s participation is under serious threat due to exclusion and marginalization. The idea that women should “return home after the war” still persists - an idea we must break.
In North and East Syria, we have already broken it to a large extent. Women participated in the revolution and in rebuilding society simultaneously. As Syrian women, we must work together to build a Syria that constitutionally guarantees women’s rights.